Original link: https://tyingknots.net/2022/10/chinese-typewriter-2/
The torrent of modern Chinese history is full of multiple collisions and fusions of cross-cultural politics, language, and technology. Text and text communication technology is one of the prominent ones, and the research on Chinese typewriters in recent years is an excellent entry point. Yushengzhi previously published the book review “Typing, Body and Gender” of Mo Leining’s “Chinese Typewriter”, introduced the controversy and efforts in the history of the invention of the Chinese typewriter, and thought about the difficult process of Chinese language with the development of technology.
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Taking Zhou Houkun’s story as an example, this article emphasizes that the invention of the Chinese typewriter should not be seen as a stress response to China’s encounter with Western cultural shock, but rather the inventor’s initiative to apply technology to develop mass education and solve China’s problems. The space is filled with concrete and practical meanings of social life.
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The author of this issue, Yao Miaofeng, is a doctoral candidate in the history of technology at the University of Minnesota. He will also report on the history of the Chinese typewriter at this year’s annual meeting of the American Society for the History of Technology (SHOT) and the American Society for the History of Science (HSS).
Author / Edited by Yao Miaofeng / Ye Wei
In recent years, as one of the symbols of modernity, the typewriter has been paid more and more attention by the academic circles, and the research on the history of the Chinese typewriter has just begun. At present, most of the research on this history adopts a technologically deterministic historiography method that binds the Chinese typewriter to the language and writing. Shi Jingyuan’s latest work believes that “behind the understanding of the encounter between contemporary China and the West through the grand narrative of great power and national humiliation, there is a deep entanglement in the world of words”[1]. Shi regarded Chinese characters as “the cornerstone of the Chinese cultural world” and “the first and last Great Wall of China”, and pointed out that “the technicalization of Chinese characters provides hope for China to break away from the quagmire of an industrially backward country” [2]. In his very influential book, Thomas S. Mullaney reduces the historical origins of European and American imperialist hegemony to the hegemony of “linguistic imperialism” of phonetic writing including letters and syllables over graphic writing such as Chinese. . Mo Leining equates the modernization of Chinese with a stress response to the impact of this linguistic imperialism, arguing that this modernity is reflected in the “intensity and Endurance” rather than “immediate effect” [4], which enables Chinese to continue to be used in the first scene of social life. Mo Leining believes that, from the perspective of technical linguistics, all language reforms such as the mass literacy movement, the Chinese character simplification movement, the vernacular movement, and the abolition of Chinese characters in modern Chinese history “actually make the problem of Chinese modernization more difficult to solve.” , especially the mass literacy movement “exacerbated the problem of modernizing Chinese information technology”. [5] Although Mo Leining tried to emphasize the adaptation of technology to human habits, he still did not break out of the narrative frame of saving Chinese through technology. At the same time, due to the lack of discussion on the definition of “habit”, Mo Leining could not refute the fact that “habit can also be cultivated by technology or society”. Based on Zhou Houkun’s case analysis, this article’s point of view is just the opposite of the above-mentioned technical determinism or technology-centric theory. It believes that the Chinese typewriter in Zhou’s eyes is his imagination of mass education, and it is an active application of technology to solve the problems of mass education at that time, not just Passive reaction behavior in response to the impact of Western language imperialism . The design details, evolutionary direction and development fate of Zhou’s two Chinese typewriters are deeply influenced and shaped by this concept of mass education. The Chinese typewriter is not only a language technology determined by its function, but also a new thing involved in the social life at that time, which has practical significance for the historical actors at that time.
On July 23, 1916, the New York Times published a report titled “The Chinese Invented a Chinese Typewriter Using 4,000 Chinese Characters” (Figure 1)[6], detailing the Chinese typewriter invented by Zhou Houkun.
Figure 1: The July 23, 1916 issue of The New York Times reported on Zhou Houkun’s invention of the Chinese typewriterOn September 13, 1914, Hu Shi also recorded Zhou Shi’s speech on his Chinese typewriter in his study abroad diary, and also briefly described the working principle of the typewriter, which was later published in the magazine “New Youth” in 1917. A photo of the typewriter is attached (Fig. 2) [7]. In 1917, an article signed by Yujun in “Qingsheng Weekly” claimed that Zhou Houkun had invented a popular typewriter with only more than 600 characters[8]. So, who is Zhou Houkun? Why and how did he design a Chinese typewriter? How does he feel about his invention? What can this history tell us about our understanding of modernity? In order to answer these questions, this article attempts to briefly outline Zhou Houkun’s life trajectory, and at the same time examine the process of his technological inventions, so as to understand his technological concepts, and to explore the relationship between technology, society and history.
Figure 2: The physical picture of Zhou Houkun’s first Chinese typewriter recorded in Hu Shi’s “Notes on the Canghui Room”01. Zhou Houkun’s life
On September 27, 1891, Zhou Houkun (picture 3) was born in a rural family in Zhoujingxiang, Wuxi, Jiangsu. He received enlightenment education by reading Confucian classics under the guidance of his father, Zhou Tongyu, who was a scholar [9]. In 1900 (Gengzi Year), the same year when the Eight-Power Allied Forces invaded China, Zhou Tongyu ignored the opposition of relatives and friends and sent Zhou Houkun, a 10-year-old, to Shanghai to study in the outer school (ie, the primary school) of Nanyang College [11]. Between 1900 and 1908, Zhou completed his primary to secondary school studies at Nanyang Public School. After graduating, Zhou went to study at Tangshan Engineering College[12], and at the same time began to try to study abroad. After three attempts, Zhou finally got his wish and was admitted in August 1910 with the 11th place, along with Zhao Yuanren (2nd), Zhu Kezhen (28th), Hu Shi (55th) and others. [13].
On September 11, 1910, Zhou Houkun arrived in the United States on a Chinese steamship[14]. The first stop is the University of Illinois, into the railway engineering department. After learning that Sino-Russian relations were tense, Zhou Houkun transferred to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1912 to study naval architecture, hoping to use the knowledge he had learned to serve the motherland at any time [15]. However, in Zhou Houkun’s opinion, this school transfer was reckless and inappropriate, because the competition between countries should focus on civic education rather than armed forces [16]. During his time at MIT, Zhou Houkun studied both mechanical engineering and naval architecture and received bachelor’s degrees in both in 1912 and 1914, respectively. After that, he followed his interest in pursuing a master’s program in aerospace engineering and in 1915 became the first graduate student in the United States to obtain a master’s degree in aerospace engineering [17]. In June 1915, after graduating with a master’s degree, Zhou Houkun became a flight engineer and an expert in academic matters for the Cordez Aircraft Company in Buffalo, New York, and officially began his career.
Despite the favorable treatment, Zhou Houkun chose to return to China from Vancouver in January 1916[18]. The direct reason should be that his father Zhou Tong became seriously ill. Zhou’s father contracted a disease in 1914[19], and in 1916 Zhou Houkun died less than a month after returning to China. In the same year, thoughtful commercial press applied for a job. At that time, Nanjing Normal School hoped to hire Zhou as the director of the newly established industrial workshop, but Zhou hoped to stay in Shanghai and recommended himself to assist the Commercial Press in supervising the manufacture of its Chinese typewriters[20]. Bao Xianchang, the then director of the Printing Office of the Commercial Press, valued him a lot and gave him a monthly salary of 160 yuan to supervise the production. He could also serve as a consultant for Nanjing Normal School. He worked in the school for three months every year and was given 600 yuan [21]. Zhou Zesuo asked for a monthly salary of 200 yuan and took a cut from the price of the typewriter. The Commercial Press agreed to give him 2,000 yuan in stock first [22]. However, although Zhou had twice manufactured Chinese typewriters, “it was a pity that the manufacture was not precise enough that it could not be sold on the market” [23]. Zhou wanted to go to the United States to manufacture his Chinese typewriter, but the Commercial Press did not agree to grant funding due to investment risks. Therefore, Zhou Houkun left the Commercial Press on February 27, 1918[24]. Zhou’s life has since left the historical stage of the Chinese typewriter. After that, Zhou moved to the Hanyeping Coal and Iron Company and the Steamship Investment Promotion Bureau to participate in the business game between his father-in-law Xia Kaifu[25] family and the Sheng Xuanhuai family. [26]
Figure 3: Zhou Houkun is operating a Chinese typewriter02. Zhou Houkun’s first Chinese typewriter
In 1912, Zhou Houkun, who had just transferred from the University of Illinois to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, visited the annual exhibition held in the mechanical building of the school. Among them, an English typesetting machine operated by a girl deeply attracted him. In his article, Zhou wrote: “The machine was running fast and non-stop on its own, easily dwarfing the Chinese method of typesetting. I was told it was a typesetting machine. My mind immediately returned to China and came alive before my eyes. It shows a scene in the printing room of a Chinese newspaper: the typesetters, holding the type plate in their hands, move back and forth in a maze of thousands of characters to obtain the target type. This process is slow, boring, inefficient, and has become a common knowledge in China. A huge obstacle to the advancement of education.” So Zhou began “reading books and literature on this topic, carefully studying the commonalities of these machines”, and “specially field researched the Philadelphia Typewriter Company and the American Type Foundry in Jersey City. “. [27] Gradually, Zhou realized that “the design principles of a Chinese typesetting machine are also applicable to the design of a Chinese typesetting machine.” Therefore, Zhou initially wanted to manufacture a Chinese typesetting machine, and then he thought of designing a Chinese typesetting machine. Taiwanese typewriter. But why associate the “slow, boring, and inefficient” typesetting work with “the huge obstacle to the progress of general education for all in China”? Zhou Houkun explained the reason in a speech in 1916: ” Recalling that the layout of the daily board of the China Press is more of a machine, and its delay cannot be calculated, and the price of books is expensive, but in terms of education popularization, There is also an important relationship. ” [28] Therefore, through factors such as the Chinese typesetting machine and the price of books and newspapers, Zhou Houkun had already linked it with mass education at the beginning of designing the Chinese typewriter.
This connection is also directly reflected in the five requirements set by Zhou for the subsequent invention and improvement of the Chinese typewriter: (a) the Chinese language and even the form of Chinese characters must not be affected by the invention; (b) the machine must be light, strong and portable; ( c) The mechanical structure must be simple and effective, and it must be easy to repair in case of failure; (d) The operation of the machine must be simple, and the typing speed should far exceed the speed of handwriting; (e) The manufacturing cost must be low, and the selling price should be small. (Zhou believes that this requirement is perhaps the most stringent of the five.)[29] Zhou further elaborated on these requirements in his 1917 article: “Construction must be simple” in order to “enable ordinary people to “Knowledge”; “the size must be moderate” is for “convenient to carry”; “the price must be low” is for “everyone has a home”. [30] It can be seen that it was the ideal of popularizing general education that led Zhou Houkun to invent and improve his Chinese typewriter .
Zhou Houkun’s first Chinese typewriter (Figure 4) is about 1 cubic foot in size and weighs about 20 pounds, and can be used freely within the range of 4000-6000 characters. The dial of the machine is “arranged according to the radicals and the number of paintings” [31: 478]. The fonts are divided into four cylinders, and the positions of the cylinders are arranged “like the sun and the planets”[32] (that is, the relationship between the epicycle and the equal wheel) which can both revolve and rotate. The operating power of the typewriter comes from a main rod, which is connected to the cylinder longitudinally through three gears, and is connected to the paper carrier (including paper) in the transverse direction. Its character retrieval method is similar to positioning on the Cartesian coordinate system, and the indexing disk containing 4000-6000 characters constitutes the entire coordinate system. Once the character checking is completed, the corresponding character pattern is moved to the uppermost position to be printed. At this time, the printing is completed by the striking device, and at the same time, the striking force is transmitted to the interval feeder to move the paper to the next typing area.
Figure 4: Zhou Houkun’s first Chinese typewriterThe machine is connected by gears in three places, the index plate can be folded, and the typing arm can be disassembled, making the overall structure very compact and portable. However, this advantage also caused its defects. As Shu Zhendong said later: “Where the gears meet, when advancing and retreating, gaps are inevitable… The accumulation of the three gaps is already quite a lot, and it is not accurate to manufacture them.” As a result, there is a large error between the word selection and printing of the typewriter. “When typing the second word, you may get half of the second word, or you may get the unintended word” [23]. In addition, this type of typewriter uses a hammer to hit the paper to fit the ribbon and the stencil, which makes the paper vulnerable to contamination, and the installed stencil is fixed, and cannot be increased or decreased as needed during operation. Therefore, its typing effect is not ideal. Zhang Yuanji, the then manager of the Commercial Press, wrote in his diary in 1916: “Nie Yuntaiyun, studying in New York in Shanxi Province, has a typewriter, although I have not seen the instrument, the typed characters are very clear, which seems to be better than Zhou Houkun’s. The system is excellent” [33]. It can be seen that this type of Chinese typewriter did not satisfy the investor, the Commercial Press.
03. Zhou Houkun’s second Chinese typewriter
Zhou Houkun called his second Chinese typewriter the “popular typewriter”. Through this name, it can be associated with the public. As Zhou Houkun said, Zhou “invented the Chinese typewriter because of his research on the Chinese typesetting machine”, and “invented the popular typewriter because of the manufacture of the Chinese typewriter”. Zhou explained: “It is not difficult to read and write Chinese characters, but it is difficult to write.” The village children and villagers often can read but cannot write. “Today’s school students who do not pay much attention to the subject of calligraphy will not be very effective.” However, ” To be literate without being able to write is like reading without knowing the meaning, and the utility is difficult to widen.” Therefore, “Teaching people to read should teach people to write, so that they can communicate with each other”, but writing is difficult, “I have to ask for mechanical Auxiliary”. [34] It can be seen that the “popular typewriter” was designed for the purpose of teaching the public to write. The advertisement of the machine (Figure 5) explained this application in more detail: “The benefits of buying this dial: (1) It can teach people to write: According to the experience of educators, teaching people to read and write is not easy. Difficult, it is very difficult to teach people to write. If you have this typeface, the difficulty will go away; (2) It can protect family secrets: literate women are often bad at writing, and their lover writes family letters on their behalf, which is very harmful. If you have this typeface, you can Keep family secrets; (3) It can be used as a gift: Usually, most of the food is given as a gift, and there is no commemorative (quality), and if you have this dial, you will never forget it; (4) It can be used as a gift: children who are literate I don’t like writing very much, because it has no interest, and if there is a dial plate, children will not be boring, and they like writing.”[35] In this advertisement, except for the third one, the other three are all explanations. The different social implications of teaching people to write. Thus, the connection between this type of Chinese typewriter and mass education is self-evident.
Figure 5: Advertisements for the sale of popular typewriters published in ShenbaoIn this type of Chinese typewriter (Fig. 6), Zhou Houkun imitated Dong Jingan’s practice of writing popular educational reading materials using 600 Chinese characters at that time. He changed the character-loading drum to a flat plate, and combined the type-requesting plate and the character mold into one (the upper part is the negative script). The writing cable type plate, with the reverse writing type in the lower part), is loaded with 600 Japanese Chinese characters by default in the typewriter. At the same time, it allows users to flexibly change the typeface according to their own needs during the typing process, so that it is fully suitable for daily typing needs. [36] In addition, Zhou changed the gears into advancing and retreating beads, and there are typing holes next to each character (you can use the pointer to point the holes during operation, so that the zigzag can follow the track and be more neat). Although this modification has increased typing accuracy and regularity, the flatbed design adds bulk to the machine, and the problem of paper smearing from ribbon and stencils remains unresolved, plus the manufacturing process and the length of the typing arm. The vibration interference, the machine finally failed to put on the market. [37] In February 1918, Zhou Houkun left because he did not receive further funding from the Commercial Press, and Shu Zhendong was hired by the Commercial Press to improve the Zhou’s second Chinese typewriter and create the later “Shu’s Typewriter” .
Figure 6: Zhou Houkun’s second Chinese typewriterAccording to Shu Zhendong, the reason why Zhou did not continue to improve his second-type Chinese typewriter was that the design of the tablet had caused obstacles that could not be solved through the improvement of manufacturing technology. In this regard, Zhou Houkun has his own explanation: ” With complex machinery, the cost and price will be high, and if it is not possible to do it with a few dollars, it is difficult to popularize it. If it cannot be popularized, isn’t it contrary to the popular word? Or those who think it is too late to use this plate and do not know how to use this plate have very shallow knowledge, and their time is not very precious. If the machine is exquisite and can be used quickly, but it cannot be popularized because of the high price, it is simple and slow to use. , low price and popular effect. This is the most interesting one in the discussion of this issue.” It can be seen that the design and fate of Zhou’s second Chinese typewriter are also deeply influenced by Zhou Houkun’s own ideal of popularizing public education. Impact.
04. Summary
The contribution of Zhou Houkun’s two Chinese typewriters in history far exceeded Zhou’s own expectations, and their designs were continued and developed in Shu Zhendong’s Shu typewriter and Lin Yutang’s Mingkuai typewriter respectively. In Zhou’s own eyes, the Chinese typewriter is a tool for him to promote mass education. This philosophy is closely related to its family traditions and life experiences. As Zhou himself said: “The Kun family has cultivated and studied for many generations, but more and less study” [38]. In Zhou’s lineage, there were ancestors who abandoned farming and studied, but then returned to farming due to poverty. In the generation of his father, Zhou Tongyu, although there was some spare money, it was only enough for Zhou’s father to have some leisure to study by himself, and in a remote rural area. Without good books, teachers and friends, Zhou’s father spent 20 years of self-study and participated in imperial examinations 12 times before becoming a scholar teaching in the countryside. Zhou Houkun is full of gratitude to his father: on the one hand, his father often urged him to read ancient classics, especially Han Yu’s articles; on the other hand, because his father sent Zhou to study in Shanghai when he was ten years old, which enabled Zhou later to be able to study. Enter Tangshan Engineering University, University of Illinois, and MIT for a good education. [39] Therefore, family and society are closely related to Zhou Houkun’s philosophy of mass education, which profoundly influenced his Chinese typewriter .
Zhou Houkun’s idea of popularizing public education profoundly shaped and influenced the design details and evolution direction of his two Chinese typewriters, and also determined the fate of the machines themselves. The original intention of Zhou’s first Chinese typewriter was to design a Chinese typesetting machine to solve the problem of high price of books due to boring and inefficient Chinese typesetting, which hindered the progress of popular education. Its design principles, including not hindering the Chinese language itself, compact and portable, easy to use and easy to repair, low cost and low price, are all considerations for the popularization of the public. Zhou’s second Chinese typewriter was designed for the purpose of teaching people to write. Its technical details, such as the default loading of 600 Japanese Chinese characters and the flexible loading and unloading of fonts, are all to make it suitable for different scenes of daily life. The debate on whether “the machine is sophisticated and can be used quickly, but cannot be popularized because of its high price” or “the machine is simple, slow to use, and cheap to obtain popularization effect” directly reflects the concept of popularizing mass education for this type of Chinese The influence of the fate of the development of the typewriter.
This is an active use of technology to solve the problem of popularization of mass education, rather than a passive response to the hegemony of Western language imperialism. The Chinese typewriter is to assist the popularization of mass education, not to determine whether Chinese characters can continue to be used. In this process, the concept of mass education and social popularization is at the center, not the modernization of Chinese typing technology. This paper argues that Zhou Houkun’s case offers another possibility to look at modernity: to shift the perspective from the retrospective results of efficiency improvement and technological “progress” to the focus on historical actors in social-historical situations, to feel their Interaction with technical objects, understanding the social and cultural problems it intends to solve, such as inefficient typesetting, expensive books and newspapers, easy literacy but difficult to write, operation of the gift economy, etc. sexual meaning.
references:
[1]Tsu, Jing. Kingdom of characters: The language revolution that made China modern. New York: Riverhead Books. p.9.[2]Ibid., p.233.[3]Mullaney, Thomas S. The Chinese typewriter : A history. MIT Press, 2017. p.23.[4]Ibid., p.26.[5]Ibid, pp.20-22.[6] “Chinaman Invents Chinese Typewriter with 4000 Characters”. The New York Times, 1916-07-23.[7] Hu Shi. “Notes from the Tibetan House: Zhou Houkun’s New Invention of the Chinese Typewriter”. New Youth, 1917, Vol.3(1): 41.[8] Yujun. Wen: Chinese Typewriter—Created by Zhou Houkun”. Qingsheng Weekly, 1917(4): 2-3.[9] Zhou Tongyu (1858—1916): Words Entering, Numbers Deleting Pavilion, from Baituqiao, Zhoujing Lane, Wuxi, Jiangsu , Guangxu is ugly and talented. In 1908, he served as the head teacher of Shanghai Huatong Public School. His essays were inspired by Han Liu, “every time you write an essay, you must have the three elements of Qi, Intent, and Dharma ready.” Author of “Xianting Anthology” two volumes and “Xianting Sequel” two volumes. [10] HK Chow. “My Own Story”. English weekly, 1916(57): 1457.[11] HK Chow. “My Own Story (continued)”. English weekly, 1916(60): 1535.[12] Note: Tangshan Road and Mining School established in 1907, the predecessor of the current Southwest Jiaotong University, has a lot of origins with Nanyang Public School. [13] Zhongshan City Archives Bureau (Mall), China’s No. 1 Historical Archives. Compilation of Xiangshan Ming and Qing Archives. Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2006. p.130.[14] Boxer Indemnity Scholars: HK Chow (Zhou Houkun). published on Jan. 15th, 2016. https://boxerindemnityscholars.wordpress.com/2016/01/15/hk-chow-zhouhoukun/.[15] HK Chow. “My Own Story (continued)”. English weekly, 1917 (69): 1769.[16] HK Chow. “My Own Story (continued)”. English weekly, 1917(70): 1795.[17]A Brief History of MIT Aeronautics and Astronautics. http://aeroastro.mit .edu/about-aeroastro/brief-history.[18]HK Chow. “My Own Story (continued)”. English weekly, 1917(76): 1951-1952.[19] Ke Yuchun. Catalogue Summary (Volume 2). Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Publishing House, 200. Zhou Houkun. “Postscript”, Sequel to Delete Pavilion. The Republic of China Lead Print, 1935.[20] Zhang Yuanji. The Complete Works of Zhang Yuanji. Beijing: Commercial Press, 2007, Vol. 6. p.19.[21]Ibid. p.20.[22]Ibid, p.55.[23]Shu Changyu. “Inner Chapter: B. Miscellaneous Knowledge of Engineering—Chinese Typewriter”. Tongji, 1918(2) : 73-82.[24] Note: After Zhou Houkun left the Commercial Press, Shu Zhendong transformed the Chinese typewriter on the basis of Zhou, and made the “Shu’s Chinese Typewriter” in 1919. After improvement, the aircraft participated in the Philadelphia Universal Exposition held in 1926 and won the Exposition Medal. [25] Xia Kaifu (1874-?): word Disan or Dishan, a native of Hangzhou County, Zhejiang Province. He successively served as the director of the Ministry of Works at the end of the Qing Dynasty, the general supervisor of Chinese students studying in Japan, the consul general in New York, the diplomatic envoy of Yunnan of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the general office of the Tianjin Mint, and the director of Hanyeping Coal and Iron Company (later general manager) Wait. The author of “School Talks” is Zhou Houkun’s father-in-law. [26] “The Second Day of the Art Exhibition”. Declaration. 1919-08-28(3). “Navigation Administration Bureau opens today.” Declaration, 1931-06-26(13). No. 467)”. Traffic Bulletin, 1931(290):14-15. “The Yangtze River flood will not cause disasters in Wuhan”. Declaration, 1932-06-29(13). “The Yangtze River flood disaster prevention”. Declaration , 1932-07-05(13). Yu Feipeng. “Navigation Administration: Order”. Traffic Bulletin, 1936, Vol.752(28):4. , 1936-09-30(13). “The trial of the Haili ship hitting the rocks began yesterday.” Declaration, 1937-06-19(13). 07-09(13). Hu Zheng, Zhang Houquan. Company History of Han Yeping. Beijing: Social Science Literature Publishing House, 2014.[27]HK Chow. “The Problem of a Typewriter for the Chinese Language”. The Chinese Students’ Monthly. Vol.10, 1915. pp.435-443.[28] Tang Zhansheng, Shen Chenglie. “Mr. Zhou Houkun’s Lecture on Chinese Typewriter Records (July 22nd)”. Temporary Publishing, 1916(11):6-12. [29]HK Chow. “The Problem of a Typewriter for the Chinese Language”. The Chinese Students’ Monthly. Vol.10, 1915. pp.435-443.[30] Zhou Houkun. Journal, 1917, Vol.9(3): 12-14.[31]Hu Shi. The Complete Works of Hu Shi. Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2003, Vol.27.[32]HK Chow. “The Problem of a Typewriter for the Chinese Language”. The Chinese Students’ Monthly. Vol.10, 1915. pp.435-443.[33] Zhang Yuanji. The Complete Works of Zhang Yuanji. Beijing: Commercial Press. 2007, Vol.6.
[34] Zhou Houkun. “Popular Typewriter Discussing Book”. Educational Journal, 1917, Vol.9(3): 12-14.
[35] “Engineering Department of the Headquarters: Zhou Houkun Invented the Popular Typewriter”. Report, 1916-12-23(1).[36] Zhou Houkun. ): 12-14. “Engineering Department of the Headquarters: Zhou Houkun Invented the Popular Typewriter”. Report, 1916-12-23(1).[37] Shu Changyu. , 1918(2): 73-82.[38] Zhou Houkun. “Postscript”. Sequel to the Deleted Pavilion. The Republic of China lead print, 1935.
[39]Fong F. Sec (Kwong Fuzhuo). “Editorial”. The English Student. 1916, Vol.2(7): 489-491. Zhou Houkun.
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