Notes on the History of the Cultural Revolution-1.6 | “Bombarding the Headquarters”

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  • The underlined content is a summary of the content of the corresponding chapter.
  • > blockquote is an excerpt from the original text.
  • The content that is not underlined is based on the personal extension and feeling of the quotation. Generally speaking, the quotation is first, and the feeling is at the back. . Each paragraph is separated by a dividing line <hr /> .
  • The content of the unordered list is the timeline arrangement of the corresponding chapters. The timelines of many chapters overlap each other, which is more common in volumes 2 and 3, so I maintain a separate general timeline and publish the notes when they are all completed.

Content outline

This chapter is very short, returning the perspective to the court struggle, and the content follows the second chapter, “The Struggle Over Working Group Issues”. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 deal with the response of the masses (and political opportunists among them) to the Cultural Revolution in the literal sense, but beyond the literal sense, the Cultural Revolution, as a struggle to purge the imperial power against the state power, Mao’s main goal was still needs to be done.

The practice of Liu Shaoqi’s assignment to the working group has been characterized as a mistake, but this crime does not necessarily lead to the destruction of the Liu family. Liu is also a veteran of political struggles, wisely admitting mistakes, denying intentional, and shrinking defenses. But how could the revolutionary masses let him go? In late August 1966, a big-character poster directed at Liu Shaoqi appeared at Tsinghua University. The official media continued to seize on the error of the working group’s claim that “opposing the working group is anti-Party.” But in theory, there is no saying that there are enemies at the top of the party.

From September to October, the struggle between the “proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao” and the “bourgeois reactionary line” was clearly thrown out. The Central Work Conference from October 9 to 25 identified Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping (“Liu Deng Headquarters”) as the leaders of the party’s enemies, but this conclusion was not announced to the masses (the political opportunists among them). From this stage to November 3, the sixth time to meet the Red Guards, Mao Zedong shook hands with Liu Shaoqi at the Tiananmen Gate as a comma.

In late December, the Central Cultural Revolution instructed Kuai Dafu, an activist from Tsinghua University, to organize a mass movement and announce to the masses informally the news that Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were the spearheads of the struggle. More than 5,000 teachers, students and employees of Tsinghua University held a grand demonstration from Tsinghua Garden to Tiananmen Square.

excerpt

The eleventh issue of “Red Flag” magazine published an editorial titled “Advance Victory on the Road of Mao Zedong Thought”, which put forward the political standard of the “Cultural Revolution” . The editorial pointed out: “Anyone, no matter how high his position, how old his qualifications, or his ‘reputation’, as long as he does not act in accordance with Mao Zedong Thought and opposes Mao Zedong Thought, he must resolutely resist his erroneous claims. Carry out a resolute struggle against him until he is dismissed from office and dismissed.” At the same time, “Red Flag” magazine also republished Peking University’s first big-character poster and “People’s Daily” commentator articles. This article was revised by Mao Zedong himself, and the following words with black dots were added: “For the proletarian revolutionaries, what we abide by is the discipline of the Communist Party of China, and what we unconditionally accept is the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao. The correct leadership of the Communist Party of China, and all wrong leadership that endangers the revolution should not be unconditionally accepted, but should be resolutely resisted .”

On September 19, Wan Xiaotang, who had been the first secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China for eight years, died suddenly at the age of fifty. On the 21st, Tianjin held a chase-down meeting attended by 500,000 people. Approved by Tao Zhu, Xinhua News Agency broadcast the death announcement. When Mao Zedong found out about it, he pointed out: “This is actually a demonstration to the party, and it is using the dead to suppress the living.” Mao Zedong’s pivotal words not only gave him twenty-nine years of membership in the Communist Party, he was born and died for the establishment of a new China, and he lost himself for the sake of building a new China. Wan Xiaotang, who works, has determined his character, and has also shown to people that any promotion of such figures as Wan Xiaotang is not allowed. Mao Zedong was determined to eliminate all interference and achieve his stated goals.

Although there are high and low positions and great or small credits, according to the Communist Party’s own point of view, Wan Xiaotang should be regarded as a comrade who is equal to the four great leaders Chairman Mao, just to pave the way for the purge of Liu Shaoqi, even the news of Comrade’s death I have to make a comment like this, oh well…

(October 9-28 Central Work Conference) Forcing Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping to conduct self-examination on October 23. Deng Xiaoping also bluntly pointed out, “In the Eleventh Plenary Session, Chairman Mao’s big-character poster was the headquarters of the bombarded Comrade Liu Shaoqi and myself.”

Deng Gong Xiaoping, through self-defilement and downfall, even though the official was gone, his life was preserved anyway, and it was considered a coquettish move.

In the previous review meeting, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, and Zhou Enlai conducted inspections at the same time. It is unknown why Duke Zhou was removed from this meeting. No matter how coquettish Deng Gong’s position is, compared to Zhou Gong walking out of danger like a leisurely stroll, I don’t know how low it is.

On December 25th, it was a cold winter, and the north wind was howling. In the morning, more than 5,000 teachers, students and employees of Tsinghua University started from Tsinghua Garden and held a massive demonstration. After they came to Tiananmen Square, they held a “pledge to completely overthrow the bourgeois reactionary line represented by Liu and Deng”, and made merciless “absent criticism” against Wang Guangmei and others. The final statement, strongly requesting Wang Guangmei to return to Tsinghua for inspection. Then, it was divided into five routes, and the broadcasting car drove in front, and went to Wangfujing, Xidan, Beijing Railway Station, Caishikou and other prosperous areas to give speeches, distribute leaflets, and put up big-character posters quickly, “Down with Liu Shaoqi!” “Liu Shaoqi must tell the people of the whole country. Bow your head and plead guilty!” “Down with Deng Xiaoping!” “Fight with Liu and Deng to the end!” and other big slogans filled the streets and alleys of Beijing, and were also posted on the Tiananmen Gate Tower. In this way, the implementation of the plan to overthrow Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, which was deployed and commanded from the top down, has been extended a big step forward. It made a considerable part of the masses who could not accept the overthrow of Liu and Deng begin to understand this action. Visible actions have intangible effects. Liu Shaoqi’s prestige in the eyes of the masses as president of the state has been greatly shaken.

timeline

  • August 12, 1966
    • According to the spirit of the “Notice of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China on Withdrawing the Working Group from Colleges and High Schools”, on August 12, Beijing officially announced that “all members of the working group will be withdrawn within the last two or three days.” [1.6. Political Standards of the “Cultural Revolution”]
  • August 19, 1966
    • The sensational big-character poster titled “Wang Guangmei is the No. 1 Pickpocket in Tsinghua Garden” appeared on the campus of Qinghua University, breaking the ban on posting Wang Guangmei’s big-character poster. Then came the big-character posters “Second Questions to Wang Guangmei” and Liu Shaoqi’s daughter “Swear to Follow Chairman Mao for a Lifetime Revolution”. [1.6. Political Standards of the “Cultural Revolution”]
  • August 21, 1966
    • The eleventh issue of “Red Flag” magazine published an editorial titled “Victorious Advancement on the Easy Road of Mao Zedong Thought”, which proposed the political standard of the “Cultural Revolution”. She Yi pointed out, “Anyone, no matter how high his position, how old his qualifications, how much ‘reputation’ he is, as long as he does not act in accordance with Mao Zedong Thought and opposes Mao Zedong Thought, he must resolutely resist his erroneous propositions. We must fight resolutely against him until he is dismissed from office and dismissed from office.” [1.6. Political Standards in the “Cultural Revolution”]
    • At the same time, Red Flag magazine republished Peking University’s first big-character poster and a commentator’s article in People’s Daily. This article was revised by Mao Zedong himself, and the following words with black dots (Ayeshan’s Note: This article uses red letters in bold) have been added: “For the proletarian revolutionaries, what we observe is the discipline of the Chinese Communist Party, we What is unconditionally accepted is the correct leadership of the Party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao. All wrong leadership that harms the revolution should not be accepted unconditionally, but should be resolutely resisted .” [1.6. Political Standards in the “Cultural Revolution”]
  • August 22, 1966
    • A big-character poster titled “Comrade Liu Shao’ao’s speech on July 29 is anti-Tao Zedong Thought” appeared in Quhua Garden, publicly challenging Liu Shaoqi. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
    • Liu Shaoqi’s reaction to all this was that he had reservations about the conclusions drawn in the first big-character poster written by Mao Zedong,” and said that the formulation of the “bourgeois reactionary line” was unintentional, it was a matter of understanding, and he did not. “Activities behind the scenes”. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
  • August 23, 1966
    • The People’s Daily published an editorial titled “Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Must Resolutely Support Revolutionary Students”, once again criticizing the use of “anti-self is anti-Party” to label the masses as “anti-Party” and “anti-Party Central” “counter-revolutionaries” practice. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
    • The people who were called the minority by the working group at that time were in high spirits and set up their own organizations to compete with the working group, or in other words, the majority at that time. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
    • The “Dongfanghong Commune” of the Beijing Institute of Geology is an organization that opposes the working group. They pulled out a team of more than 1,000 people, walked to the Ministry of Geology, and asked the leader of the working group to go back for inspection. When the party committee of the Ministry of Geology rejected their demands, they held a sit-in and hunger strike at the Ministry of Geology. With the support of the Central Cultural Revolution, the Ministry of Geology was forced to reach an agreement with them that the leader of the second day’s work group would return to the College of Geology to be criticized. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
  • August 24, 1966
    • With the successful example of the anti-working group in the School of Geology, Tsinghua University students, with the secret support of the Central Cultural Revolution, threw out another batch of big-character posters targeting Liu Shaoqi and Wang Guangmei in response to the problem of the working group. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
    • Due to the long-standing belief of the Chinese people that Liu Shaoqi’s status is unshakable, and the power held by Shang Dan in Liu Shaoqi’s hands, most people adopted a wait-and-see attitude. Liu Shaoqi and Wang Guangmei, through Liu Tao, organized the students of the protection working group in the Qinghuayuan, and hyped up “the rightists are not allowed to overturn the sky.” While the anti-work New Zealand minority in Beijing is still being suppressed, students who oppose Party committees and leaders of Party committees at all levels in most provinces across the country are also being suppressed. Opposing “rightists” and catching “niggers” are popular everywhere. Many local workers and farmers also participated in this activity. [1.6. Open challenge to Liu Shaoqi]
  • September 2, 1966
    • Mao Zedong’s latest statement came out: “Anyone who suppresses the student movement will not end well!” [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • September 7, 1966
    • Mao Zedong wrote to Lin Biao, Chen Boda, Jiang Qing, etc., saying: “…Organizing workers and peasants to oppose students will not solve the problem. It seems that the Central Committee should issue an instruction that it is not allowed to imitate everywhere, and then write an editorial to persuade The workers and peasants should not interfere in the student movement.” [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • September 11, 1966
    • The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued an instruction requiring all central bureaus, provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees, and all central ministries and commissions not to use any excuse or any means to provoke and organize workers, peasants, and citizens to oppose students. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
    • The People’s Daily also published an editorial titled “Workers, peasants and revolutionary students unite under the banner of Mao Zedong Thought,” stating, “The students rose up to make a revolution, and pointed the finger of struggle at the party in power who took the capitalist road, as well as all bulls and ghosts. Their generosity is always right.” [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • September 15, 1966
    • At Mao Zedong’s third meeting with the Red Guards, Lin Biao emphasized in his speech that we must firmly stand on the side of the revolutionary students, support their revolutionary actions, and be their strong backing. A lot of propaganda.【1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”】
  • September 19, 1966
    • Wan Xiaotang, who was the first secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China for eight years, died suddenly at the age of 50 when he suffered a heart attack while taking a bath due to overwork. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • September 21, 1966
    • In Tianjin, a meeting of 500,000 people to chase down Wan Xiaotang was held. Approved by Tao Zhu, Xinhua News Agency broadcast the death announcement. After Mao Zedong learned about it, he pointed out: “This is actually a demonstration against the Party, which is using the dead to suppress the living.” [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 1, 1966
    • At the mass meeting celebrating the seventeenth anniversary of the National Day, Lin Biao pointed out: “In the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and the bourgeois reactionary line continues.” That is to say, The struggle against Liu Shaoqi’s so-called “bourgeois reactionary line” must continue. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 3, 1966
    • The thirteenth issue of “Red Flag” magazine not only published the full text of Lin Biao’s National Day speech, but also used the title “Advance on the Road of Mao Zongdong Thought” as the title: “The struggle between the two lines is not over”, “the struggle against the bourgeoisie” The reactionary line must be thoroughly criticized.” “Whether or not to criticize the reactionary line of the bourgeoisie is the key to whether the sixteen points of the Cultural Revolution can be implemented, and whether a broad range of struggle and correction can be carried out correctly. Eclecticism cannot be adopted here. “[1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 4, 1966
    • Beihang “Red Flag” seized part of the school’s broadcasting rights. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 5, 1966
    • Beihang’s “Red Flag” seized the material group and task force of the Cultural Revolution Preparatory Committee of the Academy and Department. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 6, 1966
    • The 100,000-strong “National Revolutionary Teachers and Students in Beijing Fired Violently Against the Bourgeois Reactionary Line” hosted by the Second Headquarters of the Red Guards in Beijing. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
      • Jiang Qing said in his speech: “I support the heroic actions of the fearless proletariat like you. We learn from you, the revolutionary goddess who are not afraid of difficulties and sacrifices. We will firmly stand with you!”
      • Zhang Chunqiao read out the Central Military Commission’s “Emergency Instructions”: “During the movement, students are not allowed to fight against students, and care must be taken to protect the minority. In the early stage of the movement, the Party committees or working groups of colleges and universities were labeled as ‘counter-revolutionary’, ‘anti-Party elements’, and ‘rightist elements’. ‘ and ‘fake leftists, true rightists’ and other comrades should be declared invalid, rehabilitated, and their reputations restored in public.” “Black materials must be destroyed in public.”
      • Zhang Chunqiao also read out the instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on this “Emergency Instruction”, which said: “This document is important, and it is applicable to colleges and universities at the county level and above” and “resolutely implement it.”
      • The congress passed the “Congress Electricity”, calling on all parts of the country to “fire violently against the reactionary line of the bourgeoisie”.
  • October 7, 1966
    • Collapse Hua University, Peking University, Beijing Normal University and other institutions of higher learning began to criticize the “bourgeois anti-line” promoted by the Beijing Municipal Party Committee headed by Li Xuefeng. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 8, 1966
    • The “Dongfanghong” of Beijing Agricultural Machinery College seized the power of the school’s broadcasting station and rushed to the Eighth Machinery Department. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • October 9, 1966
    • Mao Zedong brought together the heads of the party committees of all provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions, and personally presided over the central work conference, in order to focus on solving the problem of the “middle” (referring to cadres at all levels), so as to further eliminate the so-called party cadres at all levels. resistance. The meeting was originally scheduled to open for three days, and then it was postponed again and again until it ended on October 28, for a total of 20 days before and after. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
      • Mao Zedong’s speech, Lin Biao’s speech at the group meeting on October 12, Chen Boda’s speech at the meeting on October 16, and Mao Zedong’s personal prestige shaped the atmosphere of the meeting.
      • On October 23, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were forced to conduct inspections. Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “During the Eleventh Plenary Session, Chairman Mao’s big-character poster was the headquarters of the bombarded Comrade Liu Shaoqi and myself.”
      • On October 25, Lin Biao gave a speech at the conference, pointing out that “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, they have pursued another line, which is opposite to Chairman Mao’s line”. “The Liu and Deng line is exactly what Chairman Mao said in the big-character poster, standing on the side of the reactionary bourgeoisie and implementing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie”” line.
  • October 10, 1966
    • The “Red Flag Brigade” of the Beijing Foreign Studies University held a “Criticism Working Group Meeting on the Bourgeois Reactionary Line” and went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs overnight to search for “black materials”. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
    • The “Daqing Commune” of Beijing Petroleum Institute seized the school broadcasting station and held a meeting to criticize the “bourgeois reactionary line” implemented by the working group; [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
    • The “Mao Zedong Doctrine Red Guards” and “Mao Zedong Red Guards” of the Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law held a meeting to criticize the working group and attacked the highest people’s court. [1.6. The so-called “two-line struggle”]
  • November 1, 1966
    • The fourteenth issue of “Red Flag” published an editorial titled “The Great Victory of the Proletarian Revolutionary Line Represented by Chairman Mao”, announcing that “the bourgeois reactionary line has declared bankruptcy” and pointed out that “no matter who, no matter how big the past, Merit, if they stick to the wrong line, the nature of their contradictions with the Party and the masses will change, from non-antagonistic contradictions to antagonistic contradictions, and they will slip on the road of anti-Party and anti-socialism. “This is actually an intentional disclosure to the masses of the spirit of the Central Work Conference. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
  • November 2, 1966
    • The Central Cultural Revolution, as the cornerstone of Mao Yidong’s launch of the “Cultural Revolution”, passed on the issue of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoqian to their loyal followers in a accustomed way. The Organization Department of the Central Committee posted a large number of big-character posters accusing Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and in front of Tiananmen, there were also big-character posters about defeating Liu and Deng. “Down with Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping” as the first goal of the proletarian “Cultural Revolution” was made public to the whole world. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
  • November 3, 1966
    • During the meeting, the superficial status of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping did not change. When promoting the meeting, except for Kang Sheng, who did not attend the meeting, the newspaper published a huge photo of Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Tao Zhu, and Chen Boda together, which means that the leadership of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping was nothing more than a dummy. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
    • However, during the meeting, Mao Zedong walked up to Liu Shaoqi and talked with him for more than ten minutes, which not only showed Mao Zedong’s magnanimity in front of China’s top leaders, but also under the influence of Mao Zedong’s prestige at that time, Liu Shaoqi also felt that It’s a great inner comfort. However, what was meant to be the end was not over. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
  • December 18, 1966
    • Zhang Chunqiao invited Kuai Dafu to Zhongnanhai for a private conversation. Zhang Chunqiao said: “From a national perspective, the bourgeois reactionary line is bound to be rampant, and now it is still necessary to deeply criticize the bourgeois reactionary line. The one or two people in the Central Committee who proposed the bourgeois reactionary line have not surrendered so far.” “You young revolutionaries We should unite, carry forward the spirit of thorough revolution, beat down the underdogs, make them stink, and don’t give up halfway.” Kuai Dafu understood and immediately began to prepare for the large-scale operation on December 25th after returning to school. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]
  • December 25, 1966
    • It was winter, and the north wind was howling. In the morning, more than 5,000 teachers, students and employees of Tsinghua University started from Tsinghua Garden and held a massive demonstration. After they came to Tiananmen Square, they held a “pledge to completely overthrow the bourgeois reactionary line represented by Liu and Deng”, and made merciless “absent criticism” against Wang Guangmei and others. The final statement, strongly requesting Wang Guangmei to return to Tsinghua for inspection. Then, it was divided into five routes, and the broadcasting car drove in front of the bus to deliver speeches, distribute leaflets, and put up big-character posters in prosperous areas such as Wangfujing, Xidan, Beijing Railway Station, and Caishikou. Soon, slogans such as “Down with Liu Shaoqi!”, “Liu Shaoqi must bow his head to the people of the whole country!”, “Down with Deng Xiaoping!” “Fight Liu and Deng to the end!” . In this way, the implementation of the plan to overthrow Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, which was deployed and commanded from the top down, has been extended a big step forward. It made a considerable part of the masses who could not accept the overthrow of Liu and Deng begin to understand this action. Visible actions have intangible effects. Liu Shaoqi’s prestige in the eyes of the masses as president of the state has been greatly shaken. [1.6. Shelling “Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping Headquarters”]

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